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Issue 6 -- September 1993


Richard III's Illegitimate Children | The Medieval Law of Illegitimacy | Cecily Neville, Duchess of York | Mediaeval Dictionary: Coins of the Middle Ages | Back to Index

Royal Bastardy in Mediaeval England: Part Two

In the last issue of the Bulletin we dealt with the bastards of all fifteenth century kings except Richard III -- an omission to be remedied in this issue.

The illegitimate children of Richard of Gloucester are in fact the best documented royal bastards of the fifteenth century. This is due to sheer chance; it is certainly not because he had many more than other kings, only two are documented, with a possible third, but because official records of their existence have survived. It is unlikely that Richard had more the three, much less the total of seven mentioned (without reference) by Given-Wilson and Curteis (p. 160 in The Royal Bastards of England, referred to in the last issue).

The first of the three is John of Gloucester (or John of Pomfret), probably the best known. John was appointed Captain of Calais by his father ('as our dear bastard son') in March 1485, although he may have acted as such from at least November 1484 since we know he was in Calais at that time. He survived his father and was given a grant of £20 per annum by Henry VII in 1486. His favour with Henry did not last long though, and he was probably the 'base sone' of Richard said by Buck to have been executed by Henry in 1491. We know nothing more about John, although we may surmise that he was less than 21 in 1485 since in his patent as Captain of Calais certain powers were reserved to the king until John reached that age.

The second certain bastard of Richard is Katherine Plantagenet, who under that name became the wife of William Herbert, Earl of Huntingdon before May 1484. The King paid the full cost of the wedding and made the couple at least two generous grants of money and land (some of the lands in reversion after the death of Lord Stanley). Katherine was almost certainly dead by November 1487 when the Earl was described as a widower and she appears to have had no children since the Earl's heir was his daughter by Mary Woodville, his first wife.

We do not know the name of the mother of either John of Gloucester or Katherine (except that it is just possible that she was called Katherine), much less do we know the mother of the third bastard attributed to Richard. This third bastard is usually known as Richard Plantagenet (or Richard of Eastwell). The only proven fact we have for this Richard is that in the Parish register of the Kentish parish of Eastwell there is a notice of the burial of 'Rychard Plantagenet' in 1550. The other details usually cited, that he was acknowledged by Richard on the eve of Bosworth and was discovered by Sir Thomas Moyle, (the owner of Eastwell), working as a mason on his estate and given a cottage by him, all first appear in print in 1735. There is no evidence that any of this is true, nor that it is untrue. The only other 'fact' we have, that Richard Plantagenet's tomb exists, is certainly not true. This tomb, still in the now ruined Eastwell church, dates from about 1480 and is probably that of Sir Walter Moyle and his wife. [Ed. note: see Anne Smith's review for additional information on Richard of Eastwell.]

References and further detail for the above may be found in 'The Illegitimate Children of Richard III' by P.W. Hammond, Richard III: Crown and People, edited by J.O. Petre, 1985, pp.18-23, available from the Society's Library. -- PWH


The Mediæval Law of Illegitimacy

As seen above, bastards were a fairly public fact of life in the fifteenth century and bastardy is a subject that most Ricardians tend to consider sooner or later. Many families among the nobility, not only the royal family, had a bastard half brother who was quite as distinguished as any of the legitimate line.

A bastard was a child born to two people who were not married, or whose marriage was later found to be void. He (or she) was not of inferior status under the law but since he was filius nullius (the son of no one), he could not be heir to his parents even if acknowledged as their child: he could not therefore inherit real property. In the earlier Middle Ages an advantage of this rule was that the illegitimate child of a villein did not inherit villein status; he was accounted free. There was a rebuttable presumption at Common Law that children born to a wife were fathered by the husband and were therefore legitimate.

Decisions as to legitimacy often depended on the validity or otherwise of marriages. Matrimony being a sacrament this was a question for the Church to decide. Questions as to the inheritance of land fell to be decided by the secular courts, so two systems of law governed illegitimacy, the law of the Church (Canon Law) and the law of the country, which in England was the Common Law. These two systems sometimes clashed. The Common Law for example, stated that children born out of wedlock could not be legitimated by the subsequent marriage of their parents; Canon Law taught the opposite. Where a marriage was entered into in good faith but later found to be invalid and declared void Canon Law said that the children born before the nullity decree were legitimate. The Common Law held that a void marriage was void for all time and all issue from it were bastards. To avoid conflict the courts of Common Law would ask only whether X was born in or out of wedlock (a question of fact), not whether X was legitimate or not. The latter question would have to go to the Church courts and the Bishop's answer would be conclusive even though it would be contrary to Common Law principles. --MCO'R


Finding out about people in the 15th century: Cecily Neville, Duchess of York

Continuing our series on 15th century people let us look for a change at the life of a woman., Women in the Middle Ages are somewhat shadowy figures; they rarely appear in records as individuals in their own right but as the daughter, wife or widow of a named man. There are exceptions to this generalisation of course, and the more important the woman the more likely that she will have left her own records. Some household accounts and other records survive for the queens Margaret of Anjou, Elizabeth Woodville and Elizabeth of York, but sadly nothing similar for Anne Neville. Margaret Beaufort has left large quantities of estate papers, correspondence, accounts and even memoirs by those who knew her, providing ample material for biographers. But let us look at another woman, close to the throne but never seated on it, although she may have felt she had that right.

Cecily Neville was born in 1415, the youngest of the twenty-three children of Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmorland. Her mother was his second wife Joan Beaufort, daughter of John of Gaunt. As part of the Neville family's policy of extending their influence by marriage alliances with other noble families she was betrothed to Richard Duke of York as a child and they were married when she was about 14 and he was four years older.

In common with the lives of other noble ladies of this period most of the information we can trace is based on the records of her husband's activities (for which see the only detailed biography, Richard Duke of York 1411-1460 by P.A. Johnson, 1988) and the dates when her twelve children were born. Judging by the children's birth-places (Edward, Edmund and Elizabeth at Rouen and George in Dublin) Cecily accompanied her husband on his duties in both France and Ireland and perhaps shared his ambitious dreams, planning to wed one of his sons to a French princess, speculating on his chanes of succeeding to the throne of Castile, and living above his means. Cecily herself, known as the 'Rose of Raby', is said to have spent so much on clothes (£608 in the year 1443-4, almost the annual income of an earl) that her husband ws forced to appoint a special officer to keep a watch on her expenditure.

During the 1450s when Richard was back in England and involved in the political in-fighting of the period Cecily lived mainly at Fotheringhay with her younger children. In 1460 the Duke of York achieved his ambition of being declared heir to the thone, but it was a short-lived triumph, for by the end of the year he was dead, slain at the battle of Wakefield. Cecily sent her youngest sons, George and Richard, to safety in Burgundy. By the spring her eldest surviving son had defeated the Lancastrians and been crowned as Edward IV. Her official title now was 'Cecily the King's mother and late wife unto Richard rightful King of England'.

During the reigns of her sons and her grand-daughter she seems to have taken little part in political affairs although her name is usually among the list of those attending family ceremonies such as christenings and weddings. She lived mainly at Fotheringhay until she exchanged it for Berkhamsted and Kings Langley in 1469. She also had property in Kennington in Surrey and usually stayed at Baynards Castle, on the bank of the Thames near Blackfriars, when she was in London.

It is during these years of retirement that two documents give us our most revealing glimpses of Cecily. The first is a set of household ordinances probably drawn up at a date between 1485 and her death in 1495. It was published in A Collection of Ordinances and Regulations for the Government of the Royal Household (1790). This sets out the pattern of her days, divided between services in her chapel, prayer and meditation, devotional reading, meals, giving audience to suitors and relaxation with her gentlewomen after supper. The second document is her will, with many bequests of religious books, hangings, rosaries and Agnus Dei to her grandchildren, servants and supporters of her family. These two documents with other material are discussed in an interesting and comprehensive article on The Piety of Cecily Duchess of York: a study in late medieval culture by C.A.J. Armstrong (first published in the book For Hilaire Belloc: Essays in Honour of his 72nd Birthday edited by Douglas Woodruff, 1942). The picture the documents give us is of a devout and tranquil retirement after a turbulent life with many reversals of fortune.

The biography of Richard Duke of York, the copy of Cecily's Household Ordinances and Armstrong's article on her piety are all available for borrowing from the Society's Library. -- HCH


Mediæval Dictionary: Coinage

This is the first of a new series which will explain unfamiliar words and phrases found in articles and books. Suggestions for words or topics to be included will be welcomed.

We will begin with one of the more fundamental topics of the Middle Ages, or any other age, money. The coinage of the fifteenth century was fairly complicated. It was based on the pound sterling which contained 240 pennies. Sums of money were given in pounds, shillings (containing twelve pennies) and pence. However pounds (until Henry VII) and shillings were not minted; they were coins of account and the (silver) penny was the real basis of the system as it had been for many centuries. Another 'coin' of account, never minted, was the mark. This was worth two thirds of a pound or 13s. 4d.

The coins that were minted were as follows:

  • Silver: the penny, its subdivisions, the halfpenny and farthing. These were always, in our period, in silver. The groat, a four-penny piece and the half groat.
  • Gold: the noble was valued at 6s. 8d. (i.e. a half mark) until the regin of Edward IV who revalued it to 8s.4d. Half and quarter nobles were also minted. The ryal, or rose noble minted by Edward IV and valued at 10s. Half and quarter ryals werre also minted. The angel, minted by Edward IV after (in effect) removed the old half-mark coin from circulation, worth 6s. 8d. A half angel was also minted.

These coins were named usually after their designs; the angel for example had St. Michael spearing the dragon on the obverse. All denominations were not minted regularly but only as needed. Most of the coins minted were silver, for example in the very large hoard found near Reigate recently (and probably deposited about 1460) there were 6,567 silver coins (of which 658 were pennies) and only 136 gold. Most demoninations would never be seen by most people. The skilled labourer who could earn 1-1/2d. per day would probably never see a coin greater than a groat. -- PWH

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