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Notes for Helen Maurer, "Whodunit"

  1. M.K. Jones and M.G. Underwood, The King's Mother: Lady Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond and Derby (1992).
  2. R. Horrox and P.W. Hammond, British Library Harleian Manuscript 433, 4 vols. (1979-83). The index volume was published last.
  3. P. Radzikowski, Reisebeschreibung Niclas von Popplau, Ritter, Burtig von Breslau (1998), reviewed by L. Visser-Fuchs in The Ricardian 11.145 (June 1999), pp. 525-530, with a translation of von Popplau's account of the contradictory rumors he heard during his visit to England.

 

  1. Quoted by Charles T. Wood, "The Deposition of Edward V," Traditio 31 (1975), p. 286. For an account of the origin of Cam's remark, see Charles T. Wood, "In Medieval Studies, is 'To Teach' a Transitive Verb?" Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Teaching, 3(2), fall 1992.
  2. See, for instance, Audrey Williamson, The Mystery of the Princes, 1978; Jack Leslau, "Did the Sons of Edward IV Outlive Henry VII?" The Ricardian 4.62 (Sept. 1978), pp. 2-14; and subsequent articles in 5.64 (March 1979), pp. 24-26 and 5.65 (June 1979), pp. 55-60. I believe it is accurate to say that what we each choose to believe depends in large part on our personal predilections. In this respect, I personally find the "survivalists'" arguments to be frequently ingenious, but ultimately unconvincing.
  3. P.M. Kendall, Richard III, Anchor Books ed., 1965, p. 439.
  4. Reported by Dominic Mancini, The Usurpation of Richard III, ed. C.A.J. Armstrong, 1969, p. 93; while The Great Chronicle of London, ed. A.H. Thomas and I.D. Thornley, 1938, p. 234, states that the Princes were seen playing I the Tower garden during the mayor's term that ended on 28 October 1483.
  5. Both entries are noted by Kendall, p. 455. The reference to the "Lord Bastard" is from British Library, Harleian MS 433, f. 211. See also the note by P.W. Hammond in Ricardian 5.72 (March 1981), p. 319, citing an instance when the tern "Lord Bastard" almost certainly refers to John of Gloucester.
  6. Substantiated by a royal warrant of 18 July 1483, authorizing final payment of wages to thirteen men for services to Edward IV and "Edward, bastard, late called King Edward I," cited by C.T. Wood, "Who Killed the Little Princes in the Tower?" Harvard Magazine 80.30 (Jan.-Feb. 1978), p. 40.
  7. Mancini, p. 93.
  8. Mancini, pp. 22-24.
  9. Ingulph's Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland, ed. Henry T. Riley, 1854, p. 491.
  10. P.W. Hammond, notes in Ricardian 4.57 (June 1977), pp. 23-24, citing BL, Additional MS 33736, quoted by James Gairdner, Memorials of King Henry VII, 1858, pp. lvi-lvii. I might add that the word "destroyed" is more subject to equivocal interpretation than either "killed" or "murdered."
  11. John Rous, Historia Regum Angliae, ed. T. Hearne, 1745, p. 213; printed in modernized English in Alison Hanham, Richard III and his Early Historians 1483-1535, 1975, p. 120.
  12. Great Chronicle, p. 234.
  13. Robert Fabyan, The New Chronicles of England and France, ed. Henry Ellis, 1811, p. 516.
  14. Kendall, p. 444.
  15. Hanham, p. 108. Hammond, Ricardian 3.44 (March 1974), p. 17, gives a slightly different translation that boils down to the same information.
  16. Kendall, p. 460.
  17. Received information from Maaike Lulofs, printed in Ricardian 3.46 (Sept. 1974), pp. 12-13, citing the Divisie Chronicle.
  18. For the original examination of the bones, see L.E. Tanner and W. Wright, "Recent Investigations regarding the Fate of the Princes in the Tower," Archaeologia 84 (1935), pp. 1-26. For later, sometimes conflicting views, see Kendall, pp. 454-455, 557-558; The Complete Peerage 12.2, Appendix J, pp. 32-39; William H. Snyder, The Crown and the Tower, 1981, pp. 249-254 (which includes a summary of the talk given by Dr. R.H.G. Lyne-Pirkis to the Society in 1963); P.W. Hammond, "The Bones of the 'Princes' in Westminster Abbey," Ricardian 4.52 (March 1976), pp. 22-25; Charles Ross, Richard III, 1981, pp. 233-234; Julie Vognar, "Whose Jaws?" Loyaulte me Lie 1.2 (March 1979), pp. 7-9.
  19. Croyland Chronicle, pp. 499-500.
  20. For an alternate view of Elizabeth Woodville's behavior, see H. Maurer, "The Amazing Elizabeth: A Possible Reconstruction of her Actions 1483-1487," Loyaulte me Lie/Ricardian Register 16.2 (summer 1982), pp. 10-15.
  21. Ross, pp. 100-101.
  22. Polydore Vergil, Anglica Historia, ed. Denys Hay, Royal Historical Society, Camden 3rd series 74, 1950, p. 75. Hereafter referred to as Vergil II.
  23. W.A.J. Archbold, "Sir William Stanley and Perkin Warbeck," English Historical Review 14 (1899), pp. 529-534. On 14 March 1493 Stanley made an arrangement with Robert Clifford to contact Warbeck. Gairdner suggests in a note to Archbold that Stanley may simply have wanted to secure his position with both sides in case of an invasion.
  24. Edward Hall, Hall's Chronicle, 1809, p. 387. Hanham, p. 203, seems to dismiss this as original embroidery attempting to imitate More.
  25. Rotuli Parliamentorum, vol. 6, p. 289; also printed in Snyder, pp. 278-279.
  26. See point 3 above, under arguments for Richard's innocence.
  27. Matilda or Maud, daughter of Henry I, had briefly reigned in the 12th century.
  28. Materials for a History of the Reign of Henry VII, ed. Rev. William Campbell, vol. 1, 1873, pp. 460 and 503.
  29. Hanham, pp. 186-187.
  30. As for why the bones should have been discovered more or less where More said they would be, it might be profitable, if only in the interest of leaving no stone unturned, to forget about Richard, Henry, and the late 15th century for the moment and concentrate upon Charles II and the political pressures and perceived necessities of the 1670s. Any takers? [I did this in Part 2 of "Bones in the Tower," Ricardian 9.112 (March 1991), pp. 2-22.]
  31. See the series of articles in the Historical Journal: G.R. Elton, "Henry VII: Rapacity and Remorse," HJ 1 (1958), pp. 21-39; J.P. Cooper, "Henry VII's Last Years Reconsidered," HJ 2 (1959), pp. 103-129; Elton, "Henry VII: A Restatement," HJ 4 (1961), pp. 1-29. For a slightly different view, that Henry's remorse may have been caused by his specific practice of exacting bonds and recognizances from persons he mistrusted, see. S.B. Chrimes, Henry VII, 1972, pp. 309-313.
  32. Chrimes, pp. 313-314, for Henry's failing physical and mental health.
  33. A.R. Myers, "The Character of Richard III," History Today, Aug. 1954, p. 517.
  34. Kendall, pp. 460-467. The following arguments are largely based on his work.
  35. See note 15, above.
  36. J. Molinet, Chroniques, found in Collection des Chroniques nationales francaises, ed. J.A. Buchon, vol. 44, 1828, p. 402; mentioned by Kendall, p. 460.
  37. See note 16, above.
  38. See note 17, above.
  39. P. Vergil, Three Books of Polydore Vergil's English History, ed. Sir Henry Ellis, Camden Society, o.s. 29, 1844, p. 195. Hereafter referred to as Vergil I.
  40. Richard F. Green, "Historical notes of a London citizen, 1483-1488," English Historical Review 96 (1981), pp. 585-590, for a discussion and transcript of the document, College of Arms, MS 2M6. The entry regarding the Princes appears on p. 588. I am grateful to Professor H.A. Kelly for bringing this article to my attention.
  41. Green, pp. 585-586, and 587, n. 3, discusses these matters.
  42. James Gairdner, History of the Life and Reign of Richard III, 1898, p. 107; Letters and Papers illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII, ed. J. Gairdner, vol. 2, Rolls Series, 1861, p. xxx.
  43. Ross, p. 114, citing BL, Harleian MS 433, f. 107v.
  44. Vergil I, p. 201.
  45. Kendall, pp. 462-465.
  46. Original Letters, ed. Henry Ellis, vol. 1, 1825, pp. 46 and 218. See also Chrimes, pp. 301-302, for evidence of strong mutual affection.
  47. Chrimes, pp. 15-16.
  48. Because a discussion of the perceived situation in 1483 forms the central piece in a larger picture of what was happening and why, I must ask the reader's indulgence in deferring it to the end of the article.
  49. See, for example, Vergil I, p. 196.
  50. Vergil I, p. 204.
  51. Morton will be discussed further on.
  52. Vergil I, pp. 194-198, takes the story up to the outbreak of violence.
  53. One wonders why they sent for Bray--his trotting back and forth a time consuming process--when it would have been much simpler and speedier to send a trusted man of Buckingham's to Margaret. For the probable reason for this contact, read on.
  54. The Chronicle of John Hardyng…together with the Continuation by Richard Grafton, ed. Henry Ellis, 1812, p. 526. But see also Richard Grafton, Grafton's Chronicle. vol. 2, 1809,pp. 128-130, which relegates Margaret to the role of follower, with Buckingham doing all the devising of means and ways.
  55. Hall, pp. 388-389.
  56. Sir George Buck, The History of King Richard III, ed. A.N. Kincaid, 1979, p. 163.
  57. Ibid., p. cxiv, and pp. cxii-cxv, for his defense of Buck's documentation more generally.
  58. Kendall, pp. 292, 293, 296, 297, 300, 308.
  59. Chrimes, pp. 20-21, 28, 57.
  60. Ross, pp. 112, n. 22; 113; 119-120, incl. n. 19; 210.
  61. Vergil II, p. 151. I suggest that someone undertake a serious investigation of Margaret's activities from 1483-1485, not for the purpose of proving or disproving anything, but simply to acquire a clearer understanding of her position in the scheme of things. Existing biographies of her by E.M.G. Routh (1924), C.H. Cooper (1874), and Caroline Halsted (1839) badly need to be updated.
  62. Elizabeth Jenkins, The Princes in the Tower, 1978, p. 216.
  63. Rot. Par., vol. 6, pp. 250-251.
  64. The best discussion of his case is presented by Anne Crawford, "John Howard, Duke of Norfolk: a possible murderer of the Princes?" Ricardian 4.70 (Sept. 1980), pp. 230-234. See also her further article, "The Mowbray Inheritance," Ricardian 5.73 (June 1981), pp. 334-340. My summary is based on these two articles.
  65. Household Books of John, Duke of Norfolk, and Thomas, Earl of Surrey, 1481-1490, ed. J. Payne Collier, 1844, pp. xiii and 394.
  66. Melvin J. Tucker, The Life of Thomas Howard, 1443-1524, 1964, pp. 38-45.
  67. E.W. Ives, "Andrew Dymmock and the papers of Anthony, Earl Rivers, 1482-1483," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 41 (1969), p. 225.
  68. Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1476-1485, p. 411.
  69. G. Brenan and E.P. Statham, The House of Howard, vol. 1, 1907, p. 46, appear to have been the first to come up with this ingenious but obvious explanation.
  70. Sir Thomas More, The History of King Richard III, ed. R.S. Sylvester, The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, vol. 2, Yale ed., 1963, pp. 90-93.
  71. As claimed by Jenkins, p. 200.
  72. Dictionary of National Biography, Supplement, p. 247; Ross, pp. 121-122.
  73. According to Wood, "Who Killed the Princes?" p. 40.
  74. Ibid., p. 39. I suspect that Wood may have suggested him more as an example of just how far the inquiry can go than as a serious contender.
  75. Ibid.
  76. Ibid., p. 40.
  77. Stonor Letters and Papers, ed. C.L. Kingsford, Camden Society, third series, 30, 1919, p. 161.
  78. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-1485, p. 371.
  79. For an account of her, see Nicholas Barker, "The Real Jane Shore," Etoniana 125 (June 1972), pp. 383-391.
  80. This depends, of course, upon the identification of the Bones. If the older set is Edward V's, the presence of osteomyelitis could have affected his general health.
  81. Snyder, p. 274. I have modernized the spelling.
  82. For example, John Nesfield to guard the sanctuary at Westminster; Sir Richard Ratcliffe to carry the orders for Earl Rivers' execution; Francis, Viscount Lovell (a northerner, like Richard, by osmosis)--Chamberlain of the Household; Sir Robert Percy--Controller of the Household; John Kendall--Secretary. See Ross, pp. 44-59, esp. 56 on. See also Michael Weiss, "Loyaulte Me Lie": Richard III and Affinity Politics in Northern England, PhD thesis, University of California, Irvine, 1977, for a discussion of the origins and operation of Richard's northern affinity; and A.J. Pollard, "North, South and Richard III," Ricardian 5.74 (Sept. 1981), pp. 384-389, for north-south antagonism.
  83. This point, regarding the politics of rumor, should not be underestimated. It is possible that rumors current during the reigns of both Richard III and Henry VII have as much to do with opposition efforts to use and turn existing perceptions of instability against the king as with actual public beliefs and sentiments.
  84. See Ross, p. 192; but cf. Kendall, pp. 167-169, and Chrimes, pp. 18-19.
  85. Ross, p. 195.
  86. Vergil I, p. 195.
  87. Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, held the office by 24 July; the date of his appointment is not known.
  88. The only alternatives to this I can imagine would necessarily involve either a commando-type raid upon the Princes' quarters--a difficult proposition in their guarded situation--or the stealthy administration of slow-acting poison by someone suborned for the purpose. Although the latter scenario is delightfully wicked, it seems no more likely than the former.

I should like to specially thank Peter Hammond, whose constructive criticism has bailed me out of difficulties on various occasions, and Julie Vognar, whose support and encouragement have never let me down.