Ricardian Fiction

Which Image: "Rose of Raby or Proud Cis"?
Cicely Neville, Duchess of York

Jeanne Trahan Faubell

The life of Cicely[1] Neville, Duchess of York (1415-1495) spanned most of the fifteenth century. She lived through the reigns of five sovereigns, six queens, and saw four Princes of Wales not succeed to the throne. Two of her sons became king only to die untimely. Her husband was killed in battle and his head struck off to adorn the walls of York. All but one of her twelve children predeceased her. Her mighty Neville family was brought low. One essay described the fifteenth century as the age of "illustrious unfortunates," and the life of Cicely Neville amply demonstrates that appellation.[2] An old ballad gives us a concise history of Cicely's career:

"A gracious lady!
What is her name, I thee praie tell me Dame Cecile, sir." "Whose daughter was she?"
Of the Erle of Westmoreland, I trowe the yengist,
And yet grace fortuned her to be the highest."[3]

Cicely, romantically known as "the Rose of Raby" in reference to her beauty[4], was the youngest daughter and twenty-second child of Ralph, Lord Neville of Raby, Earl of Westmoreland, by his second wife, Joan Beaufort, daughter of John of Gaunt. As far as can be ascertained, she was born at Raby in 1415, and was raised with her future husband, Richard Duke of York, who became a ward of her father in 1415. When Richard left the Earl's household to assume the duties of his rank, he was betrothed to Cicely. There seems to be some disagreement as to when they were married: Either about 1430 when she was about 14 or in 1438 when York was 27 and Cicely a few years younger -- a rather late marriage for those days. At this time, York's rights to the throne must have seemed far distant, and York was a faithful servant to the Crown.

Though by birth a Lancastrian descendant and closely related to Henry VI, her marriage to York transferred her loyalties to the House of York. She proved a staunch bulwark to York throughout his career. Their marriage may also have been the initial inducement to the younger branch of the Nevilles to support York's reform platform and later royal claims. Cicely and York seem to have been close: frequent pregnancies (and she bore twelve children) did not stop Cicely -- apparently a vigorous woman -- from accompanying York to France, to exile in Ireland, and around the English countryside.

As the mistress of a large household, her administrative duties would have been manifold and her participation in ceremonial a necessity. In 1456, for example, she was with the usual solemn and stately ceremonial inducted as a member into the City of York's Corpus Christi Guild -- a harbinger, perhaps, of her later noted religious observance and an indicator of her effort to encourage the city of York to support her husband's cause. Her son Richard and his wife Anne later joined the Guild in 1477. She certainly dressed for the role. In 1443-4 she spent so much on apparel (£608, almost the annual income of an earl) that York had to appoint a special officer to monitor her expenditures.

After 1459, events were less happy. In October 1459, after the unremitting enmity of Queen Margaret and her faction had forced York into open resistance at Ludlow, the sudden desertion of the Calais garrison forced York, Cicely's sons Edward and Edmund, her brother Salisbury, and her nephew Warwick into precipitous flight. Cicely was left behind with the younger children Margaret, George, and Richard, to face the King's army and the sack of Ludlow. Kendall surmises that as a woman of courage she stood at the Ludlow market cross and pleaded for the safety of her people. The King's forces conveyed Cicely and her children to Coventry where Parliament attainted her husband and relatives for treason. Henry VI allowed Cicely 1,000 marks p.a. for her maintenance, and she and her children were placed in the custody of her sister Anne, Duchess of Buckingham, "kept full strait and many a great rebuke" until summer 1460.[5] A contemporary chronicler also reported that Cicely gained audience with Henry VI to successfully plead on behalf of many of York's retainers.[6] The conditions of her release (escape?) from custody remain unkown. In the summer of 1460 she traveled to London, leaving her children a Paston dwelling and joining York at Hereford "in a chair [carriage] covered with blue velvet" and drawn by four white coursers. Do these royal trappings suggest she was already aware of her husband's planned bid for the throne?

The arrival of Margaret's army at the gates of London following the disastrous Yorkist defeat at Wakefield in December 1460 forced Cicely to send George and Richard to Burgundy for their safety. Such was the respect in which she was held, however, that she was left unmolested at Baynard's Castle; she remained behind as chief representative of the House of York. The respect which her sons felt for her personally and for her position as Duchess of York, widow to the rightful heir to the throne, is evidenced by the staging of much of their precoronation activity in 1461 and 1483 at Baynard's Castle. One of Edward's first acts following victory at Towton was to write to his mother of the victory and submission of the city of York (William Paston wrote that he had seen and handled this letter).[7] King Edward in the early part of his reign appears to have relied much on his mother's counsel for it was reported that she could "rule him as she pleases" -- his first council after Towton was held in her house.

Edward's secret marriage to Elizabeth Woodville in May 1464 appears to have decreased Cicely's influence with him. She was unable to prevent the marriage (Edward jestingly answered that as they both had children, they need not worry about their ability to produce heirs; "Madame, I pray you be content"). She is said to have subsequently berated the marriage in such terms that it was later rumored that she declared Edward a bastard. Mancini reported 20 years later that Cicely asserted that Edward was "not offspring of the Duke of York but was conceived in adultery, and therefore in no wise worth of the honor of kingship," and offered to submit to enquiry. This is very difficult to believe, although Charles of Burgundy and Louis XI were aware of the rumor and Clarence made use of it in 1477 (though that did not stop Cicely from pleading for Clarence's life in 1478). Cicely may have been aware of the precontract with Eleanor Butler: according to Thomas More she had written to him at the time of his marriage imploring him not to commit bigamy. Nevertheless, she acquiesced and stood as godmother to Elizabeth of York.

Although it is unclear just how much time Cicely spent at court, it is clear she endeavored to keep the House of York unified. In 1469, during the "Robin of Redesdale" uprising, she traveled to Sandwich to persuade Clarence to abandon the marriage to Warwick's daughter Isabel and return to his family allegiance. In 1471, Clarence listened to the pleas of Cicely, his sister Margaret, and brother Richard to desert the Lancastrians. The family reunion, with the Queen and her children, took place at Baynard's Castle. In 1478 her pleas to Edward to spare Clarence's life were ineffective. Her name is usually among the lists of those attending family ceremonies.

Cecily's last recorded public appearance was when she stood as godmother at the christening of Edward's tenth child Bridget in 1480, and she seems largely to have lived at Berkhampsted thereafter (she was there in September 1485)[8]. We do not know whether she was in residence in London during the turbulent events of May-June 1483; for some of that time Richard resided in his mother's house of Baynard's Castle and accepted the offer of the Crown there (which some historians have used to argue against the accusation that Richard imputed unchastity to his mother[9]). She did not attend his coronation, but whether because she disapproved of it or because of her increasing withdrawal into religious life, we cannot know. Richard visited her at Berkhampsted in May 1485[10] (which, together with Richard's 1484 letter to her, indicates there was some contact between them, at least on Richard's part).

Cicely assumed the state and dignity of a reigning sovereign before York died, and maintained it thereafter. After his decease, she continued to use the arms of France and England quarterly thus implying that by right she was Queen.[11] The official style employed by the Duchess during Edward's reign "Cecilli the kyngs mooder and late wyf unto Richard rightfull kyng of England etc." was accepted by her in all its implications.[12] She was the most important participant, excepting the King, in the royal reburial of York's remains at Fotheringhay, and probably helped design the ceremonial. Even after taking the vows of the Benedictine order in 1480, she still gave audience in her throne room with all the pomp and circumstance of royalty. Her royal behavior earned her the second sobriquet of "Proud Cis" -- the rose had some thorns.

Historians' knowledge of Cicely's religious life derives from a narrative "household ordinance" describing the daily life of Cicely and her household. It appears to have been written by a member of the household with the purpose of placing on record a devout method of life for the edification of others. The document was written during the last years of Cicely's life and it is unclear how many years of Cicely's life are reflected here. Cicely's day was divided into periods for hearing both private and lavish household Masses, reciting with her chaplain, contemplative reading and prayer, evensong, household meals, audiences, and recreation. Her reading though orthodox tended toward the mystical. "Her routine presented a rigid concentration on the Christian life. ... Cicely's whole heart was centred on worship both public and private, and her will reveals no great concern for the intellectual advancement of religion ...".[13]

Cicely died in 1495 and was buried at her request by her husband and son Edmund at Fotheringhay, with a papal pardon tied about her neck. Her will, in which she is identified as King Edward's mother (she was politically savvy enough not to refer to King Richard), left most of her goods to grandchildren, friends, and household members. To the end, she remembered her duties as Duchess of York, leaving funds to a retainer who had been caught up in the treason which cost William Stanley his head in order to assist in payment of the fine.

This is the bare outline of Cicely's life. The questions which arise are those which furnish the historical novelist with the most room for interpretation. For example, what was her relationship with her son Richard, both before and after 1483? Did she approve of or even assist with his accession to the throne? Was she present in London at that time? Did she believe that Richard was responsible for the deaths of his nephews? If so, did she forgive him? To what extent was she active at court during Edward's reign? Did she actually threaten to call Edward illegitimate? What was her relationship with Edward, particularly after 1478? Did she eventually soften towards Elizabeth Woodville? Was she a distant mother (she seems to have always placed her husband's interests first)? At what stage did she withdraw into the intense reclusive religious life? Did her severe piety reflect a guilt that she may have been partially responsible for some of the bloody events of that period? Was she really as devout as portrayed by Armstrong? How haughty was she really?

Historical novels focus on certain themes arising from Cicely's life:

1) The Roman matriarch or mother extraordinaire. Exemplified by Penman's The Sunne in Splendor, Rhoda Edwards' The Broken Sword, and the four-volume biographical series by Eleanor Fairburn[14], Cicely is a tower of strength for her sons, raising them in the belief of the high destiny of the House of York. Her dignity and rectitude are emphasized but she is passionate in defending of the interests of her house. Authors assume that Cicely remained active in political life. People's reactions to her are awe, respect, and a little fear. She is generally supportive of Richard's actions. This category of novel is sympathetic to the House of York and pro-Ricardian.

2) "Proud Cis". This category of novel emphasizes "Proud Cis" -- the haughty arrogant woman conscious of her Plantagenet, Beaufort, and Neville blood who will not accept Elizabeth Woodville as Queen. Generally, these novels are more sympathetic to Lancaster or to the Woodvilles, but even Jean Plaidy's The Sun in Splendor stresses Cicely's haughty nature. The White Rose, by Jan Westcott, a romantic novel greatly sympathetic to Elizabeth and Anthony Woodville, does so as well. The Queen Who Never Was by Maureen Peters, which is rife with historical inaccuracies, pictures Cicely as desirous of a crown from early age, who hates Margaret of Anjou ("the bitch") with a passion: "For every tear Edmund shed she will shed a river. ... "I will see the day when her own puking brat begs for mercy and receives none." The first introduction to Cicely in The Summer Queen by Alice Graham is "Proud Cis" upon a royal dais.

3) Survivalist Cicely. At all costs, the House of York must survive. From either extreme fears of vulnerability to another turn of Fortune's Wheel or originating from motives of revenge/destiny, Cicely counsels elimination of rivals, including either or both of Henry VI or the Princes in the Tower. Carol Wensby-Scott's Lion Invincible (the last volume of the Percy Trilogy) opens with the image of kneeling at the bier of her sister Alianore, attainted Dowager Countess of Northumberland, dead in poverty in 1464. She thinks: "Even now she never truly felt safe. So Alianore had been once: rich, powerful, protected by years of rank and privilege, a mirror image of herself. But neither wealth nor position had saved Alianore ... If she herself fell it would be through Edward's base and uncontrollable lust. ... A feeling of sheer panic swept over her." Thus, she counsels that Henry VI be executed, saying that the House of York would never be truly safe; it was one man's life for the sake of thousands. Again, she counsels Richard ("the last of her sons, the very last of that sweet glorious vintage") to end the lives of Edward's sons "if you wish to remain king. ... For England's sake, for York, for your own son Edward." Mary Dodgen Few's Under the White Boar depicts Cicely as fanatically obsessed with York's safety and hatred of Elizabeth Woodville whom she blamed for the deaths of George and Edward: she ordered their deaths with Buckingham as the instrument to revenge herself on Elizabeth. Richard's eyes are opened to the corruption underlying his House and he dedicates himself to the "real" England. Cicely he sends from his presence with horror at her madness. Of course, this depiction of Cicely is unrealistic.

Whether or not the reader agrees with any particular character interpretation, historical fiction gives one the pleasure of encountering different versions of a character, which hopefully rely to a great extent on historical facts.

1. In her lifetime Cicely was styled or addressed Cecill, Cecille, Cecyll; the most usual form of the name was Cecylee. Cicely was the most common form in the 16th century and thereafter, so that using this form seems justifiable now. See C.A.J. Armstrong, "The Piety of Cicely, Duchess of York: A Study in Late Medieval Culture," in For Hillaire Belloc: Essays in Honor of His 72d Birthday, Douglas Woodruff, editor (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1942). The articles cited in my bibliography can be obtained from the Research Library.
2. Mark Noble, "Some Observations upon the Life of Cecily Duchess of York," 13 Archaeologia 7, at 19 (1807).
3. M.S. Hardcastle, "The Rose of Raby," Monthly Chronicle of North Country Lore & Legend 4 (January 1890).
4. Hardcastle, in 1890, reported that there was a curious protrait of Cicely and York in the south window of Penrith Church, probably placed there by Richard III. Cicely's head was decorated with a garland of gems, and her face gives the idea of a very handsome woman past her first youth.
5. P.M. Kendall, Richard the Third at 37 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 1956).
6. Charles Ross, Richard III at 4 (Berkeley: Univ of Calif Press, 1981).
7. Gairdner, James, ed. The Pastons, 1422-1509, Vol. 1 at 233 (London: Chatto & Windus, 1904).
8. Rhoda Edwards, The Itinerary of King Richard III 1483-1485) xi (London: Allan Sutton Pub. 1983).
9. As Armstrong says, "In what degree Richard aspersed the honour of Cicely ... and to what extent these aspersions were created by rumour, must remain a matter of doubt." p. 77, note 17. The contemporary chronicler Fabyan refers only to the allegations of the bastardy of Edward's children; neither the Croyland Chronicle nor Rous even refer to Dr. Shaw's sermon. It is More and Vergil who add the reference to Edward's bastardy as being part of the sermon. When Vergil wrote that there were noblemen "to whom the Duchess of York had complained of the dishonor done her", it is possible she was referring to the original scandal, not to the 1483 sermon.
10. Ibid.
11. Hardcastle, "The Rose of Raby," at 5.
12. Armstrong, "Piety..." at 72.
13. Armstrong, at pp. 77, 86.
14. Rose in Spring, White Rose Dark Summer, Rose at Harvest End, and Winter's Rose.

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