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Thus, so far from Henry the Seventh having despoiled his mother-in-law of her estates, she had none of which she could be deprived; instead of increasing her unhappiness, he restored her to fame and rank, and granted her a competence; instead of feeling hostility towards her, he allowed her to be the sponsor of the Prince of Wales, in preference to his own mother; instead of suspecting her of the absurd intention of plotting against him, and consequently against a daughter whom she dearly loved, and imprisoning her for life to prevent similar dangers, he agreed to marry her to an independent sovereign, and two of her daughters to that sovereign’s sons, with the view of strengthening the alliance between the two countries; and, instead of keeping her a close prisoner at Bermondsey, she was present at her daughter’s reception of an ambassador who claimed to be related to the Queen, some time after the event which it is said produced Henry’s rigorous treatment. Such, however, is history as it is represented by the chroniclers, and such are the effects of historians repeating the statements of their predecessors, without inquiring whether records do not, as in this intance, establish the ignorance or the prejudices of writers to whom implicit credence has generally been given.
Though the evidence of injustice which has been done to the character of Henry the Seventh, with regard to his treatment of his Queen, is not so complete as in relation to his conduct to her mother, it seems impossible to reconcile the notices of her in his privy expenses, or the manner in which he always spoke of her in his letters, with the idea that he was wanting in tenderness or affection.
In November and December, 1487, and in February, 1492, numerous lordships and manors were granted to her for life, which grants were confirmed by Parliament (128); and it was enacted in 1487, that in consideration of the great expense which she must bear in her chamber, and otherwise, she should be enabled to sell and grant leases in her own name without the consent of the King. (129).
On St. George’s Day, 1488, Henry was at Windsor, on which occasion the Queen and Countess of Richmond (130), from whom, indeed, she appears to have been rarely separated, were present, each being habited in a gown of the Order of the Garter; but he deferred the solemnization of the feast of that Saint until the Sunday following, in the afternoon of which day the King, and the Knights of the Garter, rode to the College, and were accompanied by the Queen and her suite. Her Majesty, and the Countess of Richmond, again wore the livery of the Order, and rode in a rich chair, covered with cloth of gold, drawn by six horses, trapped in a similar manner, and followed by a suite of twenty-one ladies, among whom was her sister the Princess Anne, dressed in crimson velvet gowns, and mounted on white palfreys, the saddles of which were made of cloth of gold, and the trappings covered with white roses, the badge of the House of York (131). The Feast of Whitsuntide in the same year, was also kept at Windsor; after which the Court removed to Woodstock, thence, at All Hallows-tide, to Windsor, and from Windsor their Majesties went to Westminster (132). At Christmas they were at Shene, where the Queen was attended by the Countess of Richmond and her sister Anne, and spent the festival of Easter 1489 at Hertford, whence the King proceeded to the north; but it does not seem that the Queen accompanied him (133).
In November following Elizabeth prepared for her confinement, by “taking her chamber,” as it was termed, with the usual ceremonies, her own mother and her mother-in-law being present; and on the 29th of the month she was delivered of her second child, who, was baptized by the name of Margaret, and became the progenitrix of every monarch of these realms, since the death of Queen Elizabeth. The infant derived her name from her godmother, the Countess of Richmond, who presented her with a small box of silver gilt filled with gold (134). In consequence of the measles breaking out in the palace, the Queen was privately churched on the 27th, and removed to Greenwich on the 29th of December. On the 2nd of February, 1490, the King, the Queen, the King’s mother, and the greater part of the Lords spiritual and temporal, went in procession to Westminster Hall, and heard divine service, and at night a play was performed before their Majesties, and their attendants, at Whitehall (135).
From this time the authentic narrative printed in Leland’s “Collectanae” ceases to afford any information of Henry’s Court, and the few additional facts in the life of his Queen must be gleaned almost entirely from the privy purse expenses of her husband between the years 1492 and 1503, and from her own expenses between March, 1502 and the February following. In the former she is only incidentally mentioned, because their establishments were wholly distinct from each other; but the latter, which contain almost a diary of her proceedings in the last year of her life, throw much light upon her character, and excite regret that similar accounts of the previous years have not been discovered.
On the 28th of June, 1491, at Greenwich, the Queen gave birth to her second son, Henry, afterwards King Henry the Eighth (136); and on the 2nd of July, 1492, her daughter Elizabeth was born, who died an infant on the 4th of September 1495 (137). Whilst at Shene, in April, 1494, one hundred pounds were lent her by the King (138). In the summer of 1495 she accompanied his Majesty in his progress into the north; and on the 2nd of August a woman was rewarded for singing before the King and Queen at Latham, in Derbyshire (139). They returned to Shene on the 16th of October (140); and on the 16th of November in that year they honoured the Sergeants’ Feast at Ely Place with their presence (141). Twenty-seven pounds were given her by Henry’s orders on the 1st of February, 1496 (142); and on the same day in the next year two thousand pounds were lent her to pay her debts (143). Thirty pounds were presented to her, at Greenwhich, by the King, in the May following, to purchase jewels (144); and in April, 1498, 6l. 13s. 4d. were given her, possibly to gratify her carpice in the purchase of some trifle which struck her attention (145).
Sandford (146) states that the Queen was confined in 1498 with her daughter the Princess Mary, afterwards Queen of France, though he does not mention in what month; but the notice of a payment of 3l. 6 8d. to Robert Taylor, the Queen’s surgeon, on the 27th of May (147), tends to fix the date of the Princess’s birth to about that time, the sum in question probably being the payment for his services, or, which is more likely, a present on the occasion. Her Majesty was again confined on the 21st of February, 1498-9, when her third and youngest son, Prince Edmund, was born at Greenwich (148). He was christened on the 24th, being held at the font by his godmother, the Countess of Richmond, after whose husband, Edmund, Earl of Richmond, his grandfather, he was named. It was customary for the King’s children to be baptized in the font of Canterbury cathedral, perhaps from some imaginary virtue which it was presumed to possess, and the expenses of bringing it on this occasion, of 6s. 8d. to the bearer and 2l. to the servant of the Prior of Christ Church of Canterbury, are entered in the King’s privy purse accounts (149). The young prince died at Bishop’s Storford, in Hertfordshire (150), about April, 1500, as in May in that year 242l. 11s. 8d. were paid for the costs of his burial, independent of fees to the Abbot and Convent of Westminster (151). In March, 1502, the Queen received five hundred pounds as a loan on the security of some plate (152), a fact indicative of the rigorous correctness with which the King’s accounts were kept, security being taken for a loan to his consort.
The ceremony affiancing the Princess Margaret, the Queen’s eldest daughter, to James King of Scotland, took place in St. Paul’s, in January, 1502, when the King, Queen, and all the Royal Family, except the Prince of Wales, were present, including Katherine Lady Courtenay, her Majesty’s sister. As soon as the ceremony was over the Queen took the young Queen of Scots by the hand, and “they dined at the same mess covered,” and jousts, and feastings, a pageant, and other festivities, for some days, testified the importance which was attached to the event (153).
Their Majesties experienced a heavy affliction by the death of their eldest son Arthur Prince of Wales, who expired in Ludlow Castle, on the 2nd of April, 1502, within five months of his marriage to Katherine of Castile; an event which was celebrated with every token of joy and magnificence on the 14th of the preceding November. The conduct of the Queen on the death of the Prince has been minutely described. The news was communicated to the King by his confessor, and he immediately sent for her. Finding him overwhelmed with grief, she suppressed her emotions, and strove to console her afflicted husband; and it was not until she retired to the privacy of her own chamber that she gave vent to her maternal sorrow, when Henry, in his turn, sought to relieve her anguish by his tenderness. The whole scene is so pathetically described by a contemporary, and the account tends so much to disprove the common opinion, that they lived unhappily together, that the passage will be given:
“Immediately after Arthur’s death, Sir Richard Poole, his Chamberlain, with other of his Counsel, wrote and sent letters to the King and Counsel, at Greenwich, whre his Grace and the Queen lay, and certified them of the Prince’s departure. The which Counsel discreetly sent for the King’s ghostly father, a friar observant, to whom they showed this most sorrowful and heavy tidings, and desired him in his best manner to show it to the King. He, in the morning of the Tuesday following, somewhat before the time accustomed, knocked at the King’s chamber door, and when the King understood it was his confessor, he commanded to let him in. The confessor then commanded all those present to avoid, and after due salutation began to say ‘Si bona de manu Dei suscipimus, mala autum quare non sustineamus,’ and so showed his Grace that his dearest son was departed to God. When his Grace understood that sorrowful heavy tidings, he sent for the Queen, saying that he had his Queen would take the painful sorrows together. After that she was come and saw the King her lord, and that natural and painful sorrow, as I have heard say, she, with full great and constant comfortable words besought his Grace that he would first after God remember the weal of his own noble person, the comfort of his realm, and of her. She then said, that my lady, his mother, had never no more children but him only, and that God by his grace had ever preserved him, and brought him where that he was. Over that, how that God had left him yet a fair prince, two fair princesses; and that God is where he was, and we were both young enough; and that the prudence and wisdom of his Grace sprung over all Christendom, so that it should please him to take this according thereunto. Then the King thanked her for her good comfort. After that she was departed and come to her own chamber, natural and motherly remembrance of that great loss smote her so sorrowful to the heart, that those that were about her were fain to send for the King to comfort her. Then his Grace, of true, gentle, and faithful love, in good haste came and relieved her, and showed her how wise counsel she had given him before; and he, for his part, would thank God for his sone and would she do in like wise (154).”
The widowed Princess was immediately sent for from Ludlow, and the Queen presented her with a litter, covered with black velvet and black cloth, with a valance and fringes of the same colour, for her conveyance (155). The unhappy Katherine was placed at Croydon, and appears to have been treated with great kindness by her mother-in- law.
In December, 1502, ten shillings were paid the Queen, out of the King’s privy purse, for the disguisings, and twenty pounds were given her for some furs which had been purchased (156). These entries, as well as others which occur at various times, of money paid for gold wire for her use (157), for a corporas or communion cloth for her (158), and for gold frontlets or headbands (159), if not conclusive proofs that they lived on terms of harmony, are at least indicative of trifling but gratifying attentions on his part which it would be difficult to reconcile with habitual unkindness and severity. An exchange of presents between them seems not to have been unusual; and as those from the Queen were such as required the exercise of female skill, it is reasonable to presume that they derived their chief value from being the work of her own hands. It may be inferred, from the payment by the Queen of five pounds for two sorts of gold and of silk, for making a lace and buttons for the King’s mantle of the Order of the Garter, on the 29th of April, 1502 (160), that on St. George’s day in that year she presented him with a mantle to wear at the feast of the Order; and previous to Henry’s expedition into Scotland in 1497, she garnished his helmet with jewels (161).
Of the last year of Elizabeth’s existence minute information is contained in the accounts of her expenditure printed in this volume, and a statement of the most interesting facts, in illustration of her pursuits and character, may be acceptable.
Those accounts commence on the 25th of March, 1502, and the first entry is of money and clothes given to thirty-seven poor women, a number always regulated by the age of the donor, on Shire Thursday; which is followed by the Queen’s offerings on Easter day, by rewards for the performance of vicarious pilgrimages, and by donations to various shrines, anchoresses, and other holy persons. Her Majesty was then at Westminster, but she soon afterwards went to Richmond, and on the 2nd of April removed by water to Greenwich, where she remained until the 27th, when she was conveyed in her barge to the Tower. She returned to Greenwich on the 2nd of May, went again to Richmond on the 19th, and continued there until the 4th of June; and on the 6th she went to Westminster, but returned to Richmond on the 11th of that month. On the 17th of June her Majesty was at Windsor, where she remained until the 12th of July, when she proceeded to Woodstock, and arrived there on the 14th, having at Notley received intimation of the death of her nephew, Lord Edward Courtenay. Whilst at Woodstock the Queen was taken ill, when she endeavoured to propitiate Heaven by offerings to the altar of the Virgin, and by masses. On her recovery she made a progress into Wales, which was commenced about the 4th of August; she reached Flexley Abbey on the 6th, and on the 14th was at Monmouth, from which place she went to Troy, thence to Ragland on the 19th, and to Chepstow on the 28th, and crossed the Severn near Bristol. Her Majesty returned through Walstone, and Berkeley, where she rested from the 29th of August to the 4th of September, Beverstone, Cotes Place, Fairford, where she stopped from the 10th to the 14th, and arrived at Langley on the 16th of September, having been absent about six weeks.
The Queen continued at Langley until the 3rd of October; she was at Minster Lovell on the 6th, at Ewelm on the 13th, at Easthampstead on the 16th, and reached Richmond before the 25th. From the 27th of October to the 14th of November she was at Westminster, and on the 3rd made her offering at the celebration of the obit of Edmund, Earl of Richmond, the King’s father, in Westminster Abbey. In expectation of her confinement, two nurses, one of whom was a French woman, waited upon her on the 13th and 16th. From Westminster the Queen removed, on the 14th of November, to Greenwich; and thence, on the 19th, to Baynard’s Castle, where presents of various descriptions were brought to her on the 23rd. On the 26th she went to Westminster, where she remained until the 12th of December; she went thence to the Tower; on the 21st she went to Mortlake; and on the 14th of January was conveyed in her barge from Hampton Court to Richmond.
Her confinement rapidly approached, and on the 26th of January, she took possession of her apartments in the Tower in readiness for that event. On the 2nd of February she was delivered of a daughter, who was named Katherine; within a few days her Majesty was taken alarmingly ill, and a messenger, who travelled night and day, was sent by Henry into Kent, for Dr. Aylsworth, a physician, to attend her, but every effort was unavailing, and she died on the anniversary of her birth, the 11th of February, 1503, having completed her thirty-eighth year. The child, whose life was thus dearly purchased, quickly followed its mother to her grave; and the only notice of the young princess in these accounts is that some flannel was bought for her use.
Historians and chroniclers concur in respresenting the character of Elizabeth of York in the most favourable colours, adding that her virtues obtained for her the title “The good Queen Elizabeth;” and every fact, with the exception of the letter noticed by Bucke, upon which enough has been said, tends to prove the justice of those statements. The energy and talents of Henry the Seventh left no opportunity for his Queen to display any other qualities than those which peculiarly, and it may be said exclusively, belong to her sex. From the time of her marriage she is only heard to be of as a daughter, a wife, a mother, a sister, and an aunt; and in each of those relations, so far as materials exist which can be judged, her conduct reflects honour upon her memory. To her widowed and afflicted mother she exhibited the tenderest affections, which is touchingly commenorated in Elizabeth Wydeville’s will. To her husband her behaviour has not only been unimpeached, but it is described as ill meriting the return which some writers, it is presumed erroneously, state that it met with. Her treatment of her children has never been censured, and this negative admission of its propriety is the only evidence which is likely to be found on the subject. To judge, however, from the frequent notices of them in these accounts, from her affliction at the loss of her eldest son, and her attention to his widow, it would appear to have been consistent with the other parts of her character. Besides allowing her sisters annuities, out of her limited resources, she wholly supported her nephews and niece, the young Courtenays, and on every public occasion one of her sisters was about her person. Old servants of her father, and a man who had lent her uncle, the Earl Rivers, a house just before his execution, are mentioned as having partaken of her bounty. To her religious duties she paid the most rigid attention, and her charitable disposition displayed itself in maintaining children, in burying criminals, in remunerating persons who incurred losses, or who were injured in her service, in paying the expenses of individuals taking the veil or entering a monastery, and in presents of money to purchase horses, wedding clothes, &c.
With such evidence before him the biographer of Elizabeth of York may safely ascribe to her most, if not all, of the virtues which adorn the female character; and this summary of her merits may be closed with the panegyric of one who was frequently admitted to her presence, without fearing that the language of flattery is substituted for that of truth: –“She exhibited from her very cradle, towards God an admirable fear and service; towards her parents a wonderful obedience; towards her brothers and sisters an almost incredible love; towards the poor, and the ministers of Christ a reverend and singular affection. (162)”
Her person is described as having been beautiful, and the portraits which are extant do not contradict the opinion. Of her acquirements little is known, excepting on the doubtful authority of Brereton, who represents her as being able to write French and Spanish. It is remarkable that not one of her letters is known to be preserved, and even her autograph is rarely to be met with. One piece of her writing, before the death of her father, is inserted in a volume of the Cottonian Manuscripts, in the British Museum, and has lately been engraved (163),
“Thys Boke ys myn Elysabeth the Kyngys dawghtyr.”
In a valuable missal (164) which belonged to a female friend of Henry Seventh and his Queen, he wrote, with his own hand,
“Madame I pray you Remembre me your lovyng maister, Henry R.;”
and her Majesty added immediately below,
“Madam I pray you forget not me to pray to God that I may have part of your prayers, Elysabeth ye Queene.”
Her signature is also attached to each page of the earlier part of these accounts.
The Queen’s amusements consisted in witnessing the feats of players, dancers, and other performers; in listening to minstrels and muscians; in playing at dice, cards, and the tables; and, from her keeping greyhounds, and purchasing arrows and broad heads, she, as was common among ladies at the period, appears to have partaken of the pleasures of the chace.
The Queen was buried with great pomp, and it is evident that Henry paid all possible respect to her remains. More than one description of her funeral is preserved, but the fullest account is printed in the “Antiquarian Repertory (165),” where a drawing of the procession ocurs. That narrative states, that “her death was as heavy and dolrous to the King’s Highness as hath been seen or heard of, and also in like wise to all the estates of this realm, as well citizens as commons, for she was one of the most gracious and best beloved Princesses in the world in her time being.” After giving orders about her funeral Henry is said to have “departed to a sollitary place to pass his sorrow, and would no man should resort to him but those whom he had appointed.” On the day following her death, six hundred and thirty-six masses were said in London, and the King sent Sir Charles Somerset and Sir Richard Guilford with “the best comfort to all the Queen’s servants, that hath been seen of a Sovereign Lord, with as good words.”
Her corpse being embalmed immediately after she expired, it was placed in a leaden coffin, on which there was an inscription, stating her name and rank. This coffin was enclosed in another of wood, covered with white and black velvet, having a cross of damask thereon. On the next day, Sunday, the 12th of February, the Queen’s body was removed from her chamber to the chapel of the Tower, attended by the Dean of Westminster, and the Dean and Chaplains of the King’s Chapel. Four Knights supported the canopy; and persons of the highest rank “laid their hands to the corpse.” Lady Elizabeth Stafford acted as principal mourner on the occasion, being followed by all the other ladies of her Majesty’s household, two and two, wearing their plainest attire. As soon as the body reached the chapel it was placed under a rich hearse, covered with a cloth of black velvet, having thereon a cross of cloth of gold. The King’s Chaplain then read the psalter, lauds, and commendations, after which the Dean of the Chapel, with the Peers, Officers of Arms, and others went to the great chamber to escort the ladies to the mass of requiem.
Katherine Lady Courtenay, the Queen’s sister, as chief mourner, being led by the Earl of Surrey and the Earl of Essex, and followed by a long train of persons of distinction, then entered the chapel, and took her station at the head of the corpse. Mass having been said, and the usual offerings made, the procession returned, leaving only certain Ladies, Grooms, and Officers of Arms to watch by the body. This ceremony was daily repeated during the ten days which the corpse remained in the Tower. On the twelfth day after her Majesty’s demise, Wednesday, February the 22nd, mass was said early in the morning, and soon afterwards the coffin was placed on a chair or car, covered with black velvet, and drawn by six horses. An effigy of the Queen, dressed in royal robes, with a septre in the hand and a crown on the head, was carried on a kind of stage, at each corner of which a Gentleman Usher knelt. Banners of Our Lady, of the Salutation, of the Assumption, and of the Nativity (166), which, to signify that the deceased died in child-bed, were borne near the car by Knights and Esquires. Eight Ladies of Honour, mounted on palfreys, saddled and trapped with black velvet, followed the corpse. Citizens on horseback, and servants of the King and nobility, closed the procession, which was joined by the Earl of Derby, Lord High Constable, the Lord Mayor, the Queen’s Chamberlain, several Peers, the Judges, Prelates, and Abbots, Knights of the Garter, &c. The streets were lined with persons bearing torches, and in Frenchchurchstreet and Cheapside, stood thirty-seven (167) virgins, dressed in white, wearing chaplets of white and green, each holding a lighted taper. Companies of foreign merchants, French, Spaniards, and Venetians, holding tapers, with the arms of their respective nations, were also present. In this order the procession arrived at the Churchyard of St.Margaret, Westminster, when the Marquis of Dorset, and the Earls, “took their mantles.” The corpse was received by various Prelates and Abbots, bearing censers and holy water, and being duly censed was removed from the car and conveyed to the hearse, when the usual service was performed; after which the Peers and Peeressses &c. retired to the Queen’s Great Chamber to supper. During the night Ladies, Esquires, and Officers of Arms watched by the body.
Early the next morning, Thursday the 23rd of February, Lady Courtenay, as chief mourner, and other personages, attended mass, and having retired for a short time to refresh themselves, they returned to the Church, when other masses were said and offerings made. The late Queen’s Ladies offered thirty-seven palls, first kissing and then laying them on the body; of this number five were presented by each of her Majesty’s sisters, all of whom, it may be inferred, attended the funeral. A sermon was preached by Fitzjames, Bishop of Rochester, from the text “Misere mei misere mei saltem vos amici mei quia manus Domini tetigit me;” “which words he spake in the name of England, and the lovers and friends of the same, seeing the great loss of that virtuous Queen, and that noble Prince, and the Archbishop of Canterbury.” At the conclusion of the sermon another mass was said, when the palls were removed from the coffin, and the Ladies quitted the church. The Queen’s effigy was then placed in St. Edward’s shrine, and the Prelates, with the King’s Chaplains, approached the hearse. The grave was opened, and hallowed by the Bishop of London and, after various prayers and ceremonies, the body was committed to the grave prepared for it.
Elizabeth of York’s “reason” or “word,” as it was termed, was “Humble and Reverence.”
The Privy Purse Expenses of the Queen from March, 1502, to her death in February, 1503, consist chiefly of payments for the following purposes: Rewards or gratuities to persons for bringing her presents, and the donation, though generally proporionate to the article given, was sometimes of greater value. Nothing was too contemptible to be received, nor was any person deemed too humble to be permitted to testify his respect in this manner. The custom of making presents was probably ancient, and was continued as late as the reign of Henry the Eighth (168). Among the articles presented to Elizabeth of York were fish, fruit, fowls, puddings, tripe, a crane, woodcocks, a popinjay, quails, and other birds, pork, rabbits, Lanthony cheese, pease, cods, cakes, a wild boar, malmsey wine, flowers, chiefly roses, bucks, sweatmeats, rose water, a cushion, and a pair of clarycords, a kind of virginal.
The disbursements were for servants’ wages; for preparing apartments for her Majesty when she removed from one place to another; for conveying her clothes and necessary furniture; for messengers; for the repairs of her barge and the pay of the bargemen; for her chairs and litters; for the purchase of household articles; for silks, satins, damask, cloth of gold, velvet, linen, gowns, kirtles, petticoats, for her own use, or the use of the ladies whom she maintained; for jewellry, trappings for horses, furs, gold chains, &c.; for the charges of her stable and greyhounds; for the salaries of her ladies; for annuities to her sisters, and the enitre support of the children of Katherine Lady Courtenay; for the clothing and board of her Fool; for her numerous offerings, and other demands for religious purposes, principally in sending persons on pilgrimages in her name; for the distribution of alms on her journeys; for the mainenance of her daughter, the Queen of Scots, for whose use clothes and musical instruments were repeatedly purchased; for repairs to Baynard’s Castle; for gifts at christenings; for setting anthems and carols at Christmas; for the King’s painter; and to others who had done anything acceptable to her; for minstrels; for the support of children which were presented to her; for the trifling losses she incurred at cards, dice, and tables; for boat hire; for the attendance of physicians and apothoecaries, and for medicine; for the wages of priests, and for making nuns and a monk, &c.
Her Majesty’s revenue was inadequate to all these demands, and she was not unfrequently obliged to borrow money, pledging her plate as security against its payment. The King sometimes relieved her necessities, but the same security was given; and her pecuniary difficulties are apparent from her being obliged, in most cases, to pay her tradesmen part of their bills only, instead of discharging the whole amount. Entries occur of small sums lent to the Queen by her attendants, but these probably arose from her not carrying money about her person, and desiring a lady in waiting to purchase some object which attracted her notice, or to gratify a spontaneous feeling of benevolence.
The total amount expended in the year to which these accounts relate is 3,411l. 5s. 9-1/4d., and the receipts in the same period were 3,585l. 19s. 10-1/2d., so that her debts were not increased in that year.
Of the low value of money at the period many striking examples occur. The highest salary of the Queen’s ladies was 33l. 6s. 8d., and the lowest 5l. For the support of her two nephews and niece, two female servants and a groom, only 13s. 4d. a week were allowed. Ten pence a day were the daily costs of a priest whilst on a pilgrimage for the Queen; and two shillings a month were the board wages of the Fool. The Master of her barge received 1s. 4d. a day, and the rowers 8d. A messenger for going from Greenwich to London was paid no more than 6d.; the expense of keeping a child, which had been given to her Majesty, was 16s. a year. The breakfast of one of the Ladies of the Court cost 9d.; and the hire of a boat from Greenwich to London was 4d., and from London to Westminster 2d., but small as the sum is, it is greater than might be expected, and the boat was perhaps rowed by two or more men. A surgeon’s fee for going from London to Richmond to visit the Queen was 13s. 4d. Workmen and labourers’ wages appear to have been 6d. a day. Her embroiderer was allowed 2l. a year for his house rent, and 1s. 4d. a week board wages; whislt women embroiderers were paid 3s. a week, which included their board wages. A pair of shoes for the Fool, and for footmen, cost 6d. each; and a pair for the Queen, single- soled, with laton buckles, 1s., but a pair of buskins for her use cost 4s. The charges for a girl taking the veil were 6l. 13s. 4d.; sixteen pence a week was the allowance for boarding one of her Majesty’s gentlewomen who was ill. Fifty-two barrels of beer, which were given to the Friars Observants of Greenwich, cost 6l. 18s. 8d., 2s. 8d. a barrel: the hire of a horse, to carry a female servant from Easthampstead to London was 1s. 4d.; and the wages of grooms of the chamber were 1s. and of the pages 8d. a day.